Trump’s policy on Ukrainian war may lack focus, but it’s an unexpected priority


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US President Donald Trump’s policy on Ukraine is slightly scattered and rotated, and is sometimes misunderstood. But there is no doubt that it exists and seems unexpected.

Trump’s policy on Ukraine distinguishes itself in two ways in the first week of its administration.

The first Kremlin chief is a constant criticism of his economic loss with Russia. Trump is making a business lawsuit for a peace deal, saying he needs to make a contract for financial reasons.

This can misrepresent Putin’s victory about the victory of Putin, and the widespread existence of Moscow conflict in the eyes of its propagandists. They see it as a war against NATO that they have to win. Russian government media propaganda taps can also be closed. But Russia’s mentality has radicalism where the West is not. This is not a business issue of Kremlin’s quarterly profit and loss, but one of the survival.

Secondly, with the opening speech on Monday, Trump talks about the war regularly about the war – and after any mention of Ukraine and Russia. He correctly suggested that low oil prices on Thursday could hinder Russia’s ability to fight. Despite the sanctions, Russia sells oil to China and India to continue its combat machine, despite sanctions to reduce its income.

Trump He said he would talk to North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, whose army is now fighting for Moscow in Kara. He also correctly suggested that Beijing has a huge impact on Moscow and may be forced to agree on a peace deal.

Once again, Trump is approaching the dispute from his comfort zone: one where everyone is looking for a smooth deal, which is mostly because of them. China can find calm, and maybe finally the Ukraine conflict will never start. But this is no longer a reality, and instead Xi Jinping is going on A critical path: Looking at its ally Moscow, their military and economy reduced their military and economy to such an extent that they have become Junior Partners of Beijing, while also realizing that Russia has influenced China’s global ambitions. Can’t lose without fighting.

The calculations that are now related to global discipline over the next decade by US opponents are not the White House’s immediate telephone call sheet, or the largest land dispute in Europe since the 1940s. The extent can be wrapped in mutual matters.

Trump has been repeatedly demanded to pay more to NATO European members for defense – Ukrainian President Wolodmeer Zelinsky is unlikely to increase by 2 % of GDP.

It is correct to say that this is a European war. If Kiev loses, Poland, Baltics, Romania and Moldova will feel heat, not Florida or California. Even the head of NATO, Mark Rotte, has suggested that Europe can buy weapons from the United States for Ukraine. Trump was always going to challenge Washington to the cost of war, and is rapidly helping Europe move forward.

It is also interesting to see Trump’s talks about the loss of war. He said that millions of people died on Thursday on Thursday. Kiev has said 43,000 Ukraine Soldiers have died. The UN says about 12,000 Ukrainian civilians have been killed.

Western officials say Russia’s losses have been killed and injured regularly, and independent media has tracked about 100,000 public records that Russian troops propose in the battlefield.

Nevertheless, the purpose of Trump’s wrong, emotional reference to millions of people is to give rise to the urgency and horror of war in the minds of an American audience, for which this is an aspect of the issue that has been rarely discussed.

Trump said he could bring peace to Ukraine within 24 hours, which was always exaggerated wild rhetoric. Even now six months are hopeful. But it has taken power with a wonderful grip of war problems. It may be bad, because it slowly realizes that a contract is not a low -hanging fruit and its opponent – because Putin is, however, “great” Trump says he meets with – more patience , Durable and more integrated.

But its early week has done a lot to overcome the maximum fear Ukraine and its allies that Trump preferred to harmonize with the NATO alliance with Putin. Or that its wild and unrealistic promises of diplomacy by the campaign will be wiped out – with financial support for war – when he came to the office. All this can still happen, and the road forward for Trump is deeply complicated and is full of rivals who have more experience in employment, and much more to lose or get.

But Trump has been seized on this issue, despite the emotional grip of the horrors of war, and he is criticized, not towards Putin. This is another unexpected turning point in an unexpected conflict.

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